Voters Taking Dim View of Ballot Measures

In the following Santa Rosa Press Democrat article on the likely defeat of five of the six measures on the California Special Election Ballot, Sonoma County Republican Party Chairman Michael Erickson comments: “We’re on the crest of a tax revolt in this state we haven’t seen since the late 1970s,” when Proposition 13 put a real lid on the property tax increases. Furthermore, rather than be concerned about the prospect of further cuts in state spending, he favors a fiscal strangling of the “bureaucratized, top heavy, socialized state,” that robs California of her prosperity.

 

Voters Taking Dim View of Ballot Measures, by Guy Kovner (SR Press Democrat)

 

California voters appear ready to vent their frustration eight days from today on a package of ballot measures crafted by state lawmakers to ease the state’s fiscal crisis.

Ballot measure backers, including Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and Democratic lawmakers, are pushing six measures on the May 19 special election ballot. They are bolstering their campaign with a multi-million-dollar advertising blitz and threats of drastic budget cuts if the propositions fail.

But voters, whose homes and businesses have been battered by the recession, seem to resent Sacramento asking for more of their money, according to a series of statewide polls.

And critics of big government, who blame an overweight bureaucracy for stifling prosperity, say the taxpayer resistance is welcome.

“It’s an exclamation mark from voters,” said Michael Erickson, Sonoma County Republican Central Committee chairman. “We’re on the crest of a tax revolt in this state we haven’t seen since the late 1970s,” when Proposition 13 put a lid on property tax increases.

Two separate polls have showed voter sentiment leaning against all five of the budget-related measues. Opposition to two key measures — Propositions 1A and 1C — rises to as high as 65 percent in a survey of voters who are “following election news closely,” according to the Public Policy Institute of California poll released last Thursday.

“The voters who are really tuned in are really turned off,” said Mark Baldassare, president of the polling institute.

With state tax revenues driven down by the economic slump, the deficit for the fiscal year starting July 1 stands at $8 billion, and lawmakers are counting on $6 billion in revenues from the ballot measures to keep the shortfall from growing far worse.

Proposition 1A offers a spending cap pushed by Republican lawmakers coupled with $15 billion in tax revenue. Approval would extend for up to two years the sales tax, personal income tax and vehicle license fee increases adopted by the Legislature in February.

Proposition 1B, which takes effect only if Proposition 1A passes, provides for a payback of up to $800 million a year for education.

Proposition 1C allows $5 billion or more in borrowing from future lottery profits to help balance the upcoming budget.

Propositions 1D and 1E add about $800 million by diverting funds from mental health and early childhood development programs.

The voter mood is reflected in strong support for only one measure - Proposition 1F. It would bar legislative and statewide constitutional officers, including the governor, from receiving pay raises when the state is running a budget deficit.

The significance of the May 19 vote is that it will dictate just how deep the state’s budget hole will be. Without voter approval of the measures, the deficit reaches $14 billion, or 15 percent of the state’s $93 billion general fund budget.

As a wildfire attacked Santa Barbara last week. Schwarzenegger said he would cut 1,700 state firefighters’ jobs if the three measures fail.

“These are not scare tactics,” said Assemblywoman Noreen Evans, D-Santa Rosa, who heads the Assembly Budget Committee. “This is real. This is not a drill.”

If the ballot measures are rejected, lawmakers will return to the budget negotiating table with Republicans remaining staunchly opposed to new taxes, Evans said.

Despite warnings that billions likely would be cut from education and health services, lawmakers are facing a deep well of voter distrust.

Critics say Sacramento has ignored the root causes of the state’s recurring red ink for at least 10 years.

California is “unable to collect what we spend,” said Larry Gerston, a professor of political science at San Jose State University. If the ballot measures lose, he said, the governor and lawmakers will “finally be forced to confront reality.”

What Sacramento has done up to now, critics say, is cobble together patchwork measures, sometimes derided as “smoke and mirrors,” to push off budget deficits but not eliminate them.

Gerston criticized Proposition 1C for raiding lottery profits, which have always been earmarked for education, and for requiring future paybacks of about $400 million a year.

“Nobody believes the politicians in Sacramento anymore,” said David McCuan, a Sonoma State University political scientist. What the public sees are “half-baked solutions that serve special interests,” he said.

Whether the ballot measures pass or fail, McCuan said, state leaders need to tackle the basics. “You’re going to have to close the holes,” he said.

Evans, a former Santa Rosa councilwoman, said people will feel the post-election budget cuts if the ballot measures fall.

“We’ve never seen anything like this before,” she said.

Courts may close one day a month, parks may close. “Nothing is immune,” Evans said.

Erickson, the local Republican leader, said he welcomes the prospect of budget cuts that strangle what he calls a “bureaucratized, top-heavy socialized state” that robs California of economic vigor.

“We would not see this as a negative development at all,” Erickson said.

Even if the ballot measures pass, California’s budget woes barely skip a beat. The projected deficit in 2010-11 is $12.6 billion, swelling to $26 billion by 2013-14, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office.

“It’s very discouraging,” said Michael Cohen, deputy legislative analyst.

 

 
 
 

 

 
 
 

A Letter from a Friend to Michael Erickson

This was a good article and I am glad to see that the local liberal rag quoted you (at all) for the article. Maybe there is a chance they are getting the message? We Tea Party folks have to yell back at them, "No NEW Taxes" They just don't believe us. My proposal for budget cuts is to cut out the pension of the former congressmen and women, ex Presidents, and all who are dipping deep into our pockets, while they collect from tax dollars for jobs they haven’t held in years. Any interest in looking into this?

A Response from Michael Erickson

Thank you for your comments. I am in agreement that we need to be much more vocal in our opposition to the tax and spend policies that prevail in Sacramento and in Washington. For too long, conservatives have focused on elections and then allowed themselves to be silent, more or less, in the so called "off years." The presumption among many has been that, so long as the right people are elected to office, the system will take care of itself in the long run, thus allowing activists to return to their normal family and business lives. As we have seen, on a number of issues besides the fiscal one to which you have alluded, in fact that is no longer the case. Without constant, grassroots pressure, such as finally we are starting to see with the Tea Party movement, even Republicans elected with the very best of intentions almost invariably succumb to the influences of the interrelationships of ideological socialists, careerist bureaucrats, and self-interested business interests, which want to feed at the trough of public funds and pass on the debt to the rest of us in the form of indebtedness and regressive taxation. Indeed, it is important to recognize the business component to this system, because the elites among them also benefit from the adverse effect of government regulations and regressive taxes (such as sales taxes) on their small business competitors. We should not be surprised when chambers of commerce favor tax increases, such as the regressive "train to nowhere" sales' tax increase recently in our own county. Republicans can and should be the primary advocates of small business interests, which are more inclined to favor a competitive, free market, and the middle class families and workers that make up the foundation of our culture; thus, even as the official Tea Party movement must remain "non-partisan," in fact we are the natural, political home for what it is endeavoring to accomplish in the political and policymaking arena. Regarding the spiraling cost of public employees' pensions, I am in agreement that that is the major problem in our state budget. The problem persists, because we live in what has become, at least within the State Legislature, essentially a one-party state; and that "one-party" has become a wholly owned subsidiary of both the public employees and teachers' unions. Furthermore, as we saw recently in the "turncoat" actions of a few Republicans in the State Senate and Assembly, our present minority really cannot prevent in the long run tax increases or continued, out of control spending for these interests. At best, we have a chance of holding out long enough, so that a few of our members may negotiate a deal for themselves in return for selling out the rest of the Republican caucus. Thus, until there is a viable, two-party system again in the State of California, where the State Legislature really can switch to either party in a given election cycle, we shall remain the victims of a system that rewards a small elite of union and business interests at the expense of ourselves and our children. Tea Parties can raise awareness and recruit more activists; but, in the end, it is my sense that the actual solution will emerge when the Republican Party itself has been reborn into a viable opposition to the current regime of tax and spend liberals. That is why I believe that what we do in Republican Party organizations like ours is so very important for our larger community, even if many of our neighbors and friends castigate our advocacy as "too partisan" or "divisive." If not for our party building efforts, then even the best organized Tea Parties will find in time that they are unable to exact any real influence on policy.