Conservative commentator, and American nationalist, Patrick Buchanan offers a most compelling vision of how the Republican Party may make substantial gains in the 2010 midterm elections, if she returns to her historic roots as an advocate of our sovereignty, industrial recovery, energy independence, and personal liberty. This is the game plan as well of Republicans for the National Interest; and while we share the overall confidence of Mr. Buchanan, we stress that there is work to be done in orienting the Republican Party leadership once more into backing these issues in a credible, compelling manner.
Since the defection of Senator Arlen Specter to the Democrat Party, the RNC Chairman Michael Steele has been heaping his fair share of good riddance upon him, with which of course we would agree. Still, we cannot help but note that, if the Senator rather had made a different political calculation, and had decided to rally the NRSC into helping him take out Republican contender Pat Toomey in the Pennsylvania Senate Republican primary in 2010, the same RNC and NRSC leadership would have remained very much conspicuous by their muted tongues, when anyone brought up the matter of Specter's consistently liberal voting record.
Indeed, since the departure of Specter, the Republican Party leadership quietly has been looking for a more moderate Republican to take out Pat Toomey in the primary and thus to keep the seat in more or less the ideological persuasion as it is now. Essentially, even while attacking Specter the liberal, they are looking for Specter the sequel.
The same pattern has been replicated elsewhere, from Connecticut to California. There is a logical rationale: the conservative who can win in Texas could not win in Pennsylvania; the moderate who can win in California could not win in Alabama. Indeed, before he and other Republican leaders excoriated Specter as a political traitor, conservative Republican Texas Senator John Cornyn praised Specter as the man around whom the party must rally in order to “save” the GOP capacity to filibuster bad, Democrat legislation. He remarks:
“It's clear we need more candidates that fit their states. While I doubt Arlen could win an election in my home state of Texas, I am certain that I could not get elected in Pennsylvania. I believe that Senator Specter is our best bet to keep this Senate seat in the GOP column. A vote for Arlen Specter is a vote for denying Harry Reid and the Democrats a filibuster-proof Senate.”
What is interesting is that Cornyn made these comments after Specter joined with the two “ladies from Maine” (RINO Senators Collins and Snowe) to derail a GOP filibuster of the Obama “stimulus” package, which has added billions to our debt and increased the scope of government interference in our domestic economy. The one time we really needed this vote “to deny Harry Reid and the Democrats a filibuster-proof Senate,” Specter caved for only minor concessions in return.
If Specter had remained in the Republican caucus, then he would have provided a GOP cover to whichever extremist, leftist Obama chooses as his replacement for said retiring Supreme Court Justice David Souter, and he would have been the “turncoat” Republican vote for a number of other critical issues, including illegal immigration and cap and trade.
In spite of that all too likely scenario, Specter would have remained a “prized” member of the Republican caucus; and said powers that be would have circled their wagons to secure one of their own, even though his votes made it more difficult for the Republican Party in general to provide a most tangible rallying cry against the Obama Administration. Indeed, the sport would have been in seeing the exasperated extent to which this leadership would have gone in defending his “turncoat” votes before their own base.
The reason: the “K Street Republicans,” as I have come to describe them after they learn to adapt into the dominant culture of political graft in Washington D.C., realize that their hold on power relies not on whatever ideological positioning they maintain (except to the extent necessary to pander to their base vote in the next election) but on their ability to be a relevant voice in crafting legislation. It is that second capacity which reaps the rewards of office, both in campaign cash and various intangibles, and thus perpetuates their power (or, more accurately, their appearance of power). If the Republicans have “the magic 60,” then they obtain a lot more attention from those special interests able to offer largesse for their coffers; if not, then they are akin to ugly girls waiting around forlornly for suitors to ask them to the dance.
This type of sophistry is what prevails for “partisan politics,” when the politicians really feel safely removed from their electoral base and the party apparatus in turn does nothing to demand otherwise. Buchanan is right: the Republicans have a chance at taking back a lot of the seats, which they lost in the 2006 and 2008 election cycles, especially in view of the overreach of the Obama Administration; but they will snatch another defeat out of the jaws of victory in 2010, if they continue “playing politics,” instead of offering a real, principled opposition to the conniving leftists in the Obama Administration – and among themselves.
Here is the Buchanan article as follows. Again, we agree with the overall platform that he describes. We add only that a renewal from within the Grand Old Party must happen here and now, before his suggestions are likely to bear fruit.
Wanted: A Fighting Party, by Patrick Buchanan
As was evident at the White House Correspondent Dinner, it is deja vu, 1961, all over again. We have a young, cool, witty, personable president – and an adoring press corps.
"I am Barack Obama," the president introduced himself. "Most of you covered me. All of you voted for me. (Laughter and applause.) Apologies to the Fox table. (Laughter.)"
What is also evident is that, without its new superstar in the lineup, the Democratic Party is a second-division ball club. Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi are not terribly formidable. Last fall, the Congress they ran had an approval rating below Vice President Cheney.
Why then is the Republican Party agonizing publicly over what it is supposed to do? If history is any guide, the pendulum will swing back in 2010.
After all, in 1952, Eisenhower was elected in a more impressive victory than Obama's, and ended the Korean War by June. And, in 1954, he lost both houses of Congress.
Lyndon Johnson crushed Goldwater by three times the margin of Obama's victory. He got Medicare, Medicaid, voting rights and a host of Great Society programs. And, in 1966, he lost 47 House seats.
Ronald Reagan won a 44-state landslide in 1980, cut tax rates – and proceeded to lose 26 seats in 1982.
Bill Clinton recaptured the presidency for his party in 1992 after 12 years of Republican rule. In 1994, he lost 52 seats and both houses of Congress.
Though, demographically, the nation is tilting toward the Party of Government, the GOP must remain the party of free enterprise, and should follow the counsel of Australia's Robert Menzies, long ago:
"The duty of an opposition ... is to oppose selectively. No government is always wrong on everything. … The opposition must choose the ground on which it is to attack. To attack indiscriminately is to risk public opinion, which has a reserve of fairness not always understood."
Rather than debating what the national party position should be on foreign policy, health care, education, or social issues — which the party will decide when it chooses a nominee in 2012 — the GOP should focus now, and unite now, on what it will stand against.
Here the party has a good start. With the exception of Specter the Defector and the ladies from Maine, it united against the $800 billion stimulus bill. And as it is impossible to shovel out an added 6 percent of GDP in two years, without vast waste, fraud and abuse, this stimulus package is going to come back and bite Obama by 2010.
And, recall, in his address to Congress, Obama assigned Joe Biden to see to it there was no waste, fraud or abuse in spending the $800 billion: "And that's why I've asked Vice President Biden to lead a tough, unprecedented oversight effort — because nobody messes with Joe."
Joe has been set up to take the fall.
The next place to take a stand is against "cap and trade."
More and more Americans are coming to conclude, after the record cold temperatures in many cities this winter, that global warning is a crock — that there is no conclusive proof it is happening, no conclusive proof man is the cause, no conclusive proof it would be a calamity for us or the polar bears.
But cap and trade would mean a huge hike in the cost of energy for all Americans, the shutdown of fuel-efficient U.S. factories, and their replacement by dirtier and less fuel-efficient Chinese plants.
And we do know the agenda here is a vast transfer of wealth and power from U.S. citizens to government bureaucrats, and from the U.S. Government to global bureaucrats who will run the oversight and enforcement machinery set up by the Kyoto II conclave in Copenhagen.
A third issue on which Republicans ought to stand and fight is health care. For the end goal of Obamacare is the same end goal as Hillarycare: nationalization, bureaucrats deciding what care each of us shall receive, when we may receive it, and whether we even ought to have it.
If the Republican Party remains the party of the individual and the private sector, does it have any choice but to fight?
For if cap-and-trade passes, and Obamacare becomes law, the government share of GDP rises to European socialist levels, and, as we saw after the Great Society, there is no going back.
A party defines itself by what it stands for, and what it stands against. After the Bush era, the Republican Party has been given the opportunity to redeem and redefine itself — in opposition to a party and a president who are further left than any in American history.
A true conservative party would relish such an opportunity.
After all, the Goldwater young did not lie down and die after a defeat far more crushing than the one the party suffered last fall.
Is this Republican Party made of similar stuff?


A Letter from a Friend to Michael Erickson
Redefine the Issues -- Conservatively